In his short book Planned Chaos, economist Ludwig von Mises
discusses the defective economic and social consequences of establishing
central planning governments including interventionism, socialism, communism,
Fascism and Nazism (last four are essentially to be socialism according to
Mises). He criticizes the attempt to build a state which controls everything
and benefits all people will lead to dictatorship and the ruin of Western
civilization.
In the
first two chapters, Mises argues that the “failure of interventionism” is
destined. He distinguishes interventionism from socialism, since
interventionism is still a market economy. Interventionism, as defined by
interventionists, is a social structure that has both advantages in socialism
and capitalism. Mises criticizes that interventionism will fail because they
build a system which is worse than the previous one they want to alter. The
Great Depression in the 90s, as Mises argues, is not because of capitalism but
interventionism. He argues that the anti-capitalism damages the operation of
Western civilization. Furthermore, Mises argues that this kind of “midway
between socialism and capitalism” (2) is not stable. The attempt to control
even a part of a free economy will produce chaos. If the interventionism
government does not realize their failure but add more regulations, the system
will gradually turns into socialism. He also argues that political democracy
can only work with a free economy. Men have to choose either socialism (planned
economy) or capitalism (free economy). Mises emphasized that “there is no such
thing as a scientific ought” (16). He claims that the conflicts of choosing
socialism or capitalism come from the consideration of human welfare instead of
the distribution of income.
In chapter three Mises talked about the
history of Socialism and Communism. As Mises writes in his book, Marx and
Engels use the term “communism” and “socialism” in the same manner. According
to Marx, socialism is inevitable to present and “emerge in the same time” (24)
across the world. He argues that Lenin, as a dictator, hated the way that
socialists gain power by parliamentary procedure. In Marx’s doctrine, the
“transition” from capitalism and socialism should be accomplished by
“revolution and civil war” (22). In order to explain the low living standard in
Russia after the Communist Revolution, Stalin inserts Socialism as the phase
before entering Communism. Stalin defined Russia as still in the “early phase”
of communism, so it needs to use socialist methods to raise the living standard
of Russia. In Mises opinion, the aggressiveness of Russia is different from the
“Lebensraum doctrine” (33) of Nazis and Fascist. It is the dictators, Lenin and
Stalin, who are aggressive in expanding the communism influence. Russia annexed
several countries and built several puppet governments. Mises says that the
“real crisis of Russian Marxism” (41) is that most of the advanced industrial
countries didn’t embrace communism, which is a criticism to Marx’s prediction
that communism will appear in the most advanced capitalist countries. Misses
claimed that in order to solve this ideological crisis, Russia “must conquer
the world” (41) and this leads to its aggressiveness.
Mises
argues that Bolshevists, Fascists and Nazis all have the doctrine of
dictatorship. Even as the opponent of Stalin, Trotsky is essentially a dictator
the same as Stalin. Mises says that Trotsky advocated every policy made by
Stalin and the only problem is that he himself is not the dictator. In Mises’s
opinion, the story of Trotsky reveals that most of the socialist activists are
fanatical and they never rationally consider the consequence of centrally
planning an economic system. What they do is dreaming of a utopia society and
advocating dictatorship.
In the
middle chapters of the book, Mises put forward an important discussion of what
distinguishes central planned government and democracy government. He argues
that the restriction of government power is the distinction. By this he means
it is a choice between law and human welfare. In order to maximize mass
welfare, socialists do not want laws to restrain their power in building
institutions. They become dictators. Mises argues that “state and government
are the social apparatus of violent coercion and repression.”(50) Freedom and
liberty will exist only with the appearance of “societal bonds”.
In
chapter seven, Mises talks about the history of Fascism. Fascism is a
separation of orthodox Marxian socialism, and borrows other socialism
doctrines. Benito Mussolini was at first an orthodox Italian socialist and
changes his path to stand with nationalist socialists. Fascist economy, Mises
argues, is still interventionism at first but changes into “Nazi pattern of
socialism” later (61). Then Mussolini adapted guild socialism and labeled it as
corporativism. Mises claimed that the aggressiveness of Fascism is caused by
“overpopulation” in Italy(63).
In
chapter eight, Mises talks about the history of Nazism. He argues that Nazism
is essentially a kind of socialism. Mises writes that “the philosophy of the
Nazis…is the purest and most consistent manifestation of the anticapitalistic
and socialistic spirit of our age” (65). In previous chapter Mises argues that
the aggressiveness of Nazism comes from the idea of “Lebensraum” (33). They
want to gain more economic resources and material by conquering other nations.
Mises claimed that, as he has says about Stalin and Trotsky, Hitler is a
“product” of Nazism instead of the “founder” (67). Mises also criticizes the
eugenics idea of Nazis that there is no way to identify an inferior man
according to laws or political ideologies. Men cannot be valued by “scientific”
verification. The “scientific ought” (68) doctrine explains the cold-blood
crimes committed by Nazis, Mises says.
Mises
raises an objection to the claiming that the success of Soviet Union at that
time is an experimental proof of the feasibility of socialism. He argues that
there is no experiment of social science can be made and it is meaningless to
discuss the significance of historic experience. He says that the only thing
history shows us is necessity of private ownership. Mises’s fundamental
objection to socialism is the “impossibility of economic calculation” (74).
According to Mises, the lack of price system will lead to chaos in the
operation economy. Mises’s second objection is the “less efficient mode of
production” (76) of socialism. The low living standard in Russia is covered up
by the state press.
In the
final chapter Mises argues that believing socialism is inevitable actually
pushes the public towards socialism. Not only socialist propaganda, but also
intellectual leaders are fanatic to socialism. They appear in the public view
much more often than entrepreneurs and technologists. Mises believes people
should consider the consequence of choosing central planning economic system
and prevent the destruction of freedom and wealth.
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